1 See Millis and Montgomery: Organized Labor, pp. 2-4. This section relies heavily upon the excellent summary in the first five chapters of this book. Material not otherwise acknowledged is drawn from the se pages.

2 Warner and Low: The Social System of the Modern Factory, p. 131. See also Whitehead: Leadership in a Free Society, pp. I6-7.

3 Millis and Montgomery: Organized Labor, p. 68.

4 Quoted ibid., p. 73.

5 From Organized Labor by Millis and Montgomery, p. 77. Copyright 1945. Courtesy of McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.

6 Zeller: Pressure Politics in New York, pp. 8-9.

7 Millis and Montgomery: Organized Labor, pp. 162-3.

8 From Organized Labor by Millis and Montgomery, pp. I59-60. Copyright 1945. Courtesy of McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.

9 From Organized Labor by Millis and Montgomery, p. 226. Copyright 1945. Courtesy of McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.

10 "See Philip Taft: "Labor's Changing Political Line," Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 45, no. 5 (October, 1937), pp. 634-5o.

11 See Clarence E. Bonnett: "The Evolution of Business Groupings," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 179 (Ma 1935), pp. 1-8. This journal will be cited hereafter as Annals. U.S. Temporary National Economic Committee: Trade Association Survey, p. 12, Merle Fainsod and Lincoln Gordon: Government and the American Economy (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1941), chap. 15.

12 Quoted in Earl Latham: "Giantism and Basing-Points. A Political Analysis," Yale Law Journal, Vol. 58, no. 3 (February, 1949), p. 383.

13 Fainsod and Gordon: Government and the American Economy, chaps. 13 and 15.

14 Herring: Group Representation Before Congress, p. 96.

15 U.S. Temporary National Economic Committee: Trade Association Survey, p. 369.

16 U.S. Department of Commerce: National Associations of the United States, p. viii.

17 Herring: Group Representation Before Congress, p. ~o3.

18 U.S. Temporary National Economic Committee: Trade Association Survey, pp. 113-5, 139-42.

19 U.S. Senate, Committee on Interstate Commerce: Senate Report No. 26, Part 2, 77th Cong., 1st Sess. (1941), pp. 22-5.

20 Leverett S. Lyon, Myron W. Watkins, and Victor Abramson Government and Economic Life (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1939),

21 Walton Hamilton and Associates: Price and Price Policy (New York: McGraw Hill Book Company, Inc., 1938), pp. 237-8.

22 U.S. Temporary National Economic Committee Trade Association Survey, p.346.

23 U .S. v Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey, 221 U .S. I (1911). Fainsod and Gordon: Government and the American Economy, p. 528.

24 Chamber of Commerce of the United States: Development of Trade Associations (Washington, D.C.: Chamber of Commerce of the United States, 1937), p. 5.

25 Herring: Group Representation Before Congress, pp. 100-101.

26 U.S. Temporary National Economic Committee: Trade Association Survey, pp. 22, 26, 31-3

27 Ibid., p. 333

28 Herring: Group Representation Before Congress, p. 101.

29 Zeller: Pressure Politics in New York, pp. 48-9; U.S. Temporary National Economic Committee: Hearings, Part 10, 76th Cong., 1st Sess. (1939), pp. 4346, 4358, 4360, 4395.

30 Odegard: Pressure Politics, p. 245.

31 A distinction is often made between the trade association as an organization for dealing with the market and the employers association as a device for activity in connection with the employment relation.

32 U.S. Senate, Committee on Education and Labor: Senate Report No. 6, Part 6, 76th Cong., 1st Sess. (1939), p. 14.

33Adapted from Millis and Montgomery: Organized Labor, pp. 82-3.

34 See Clarence E. Bonnett: "Employers Associations," Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences.

35 U.S. Senate, Committee on Education and Labor: Senate Report No. 6, Part 6, 76th Cong., Ist Sess. (1939), pp. 5-6.

36 Quoted ibid., p. 15. See also Clarence E. Bonnett: Employers Associations in the United States (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1922), p. 374.

37 For example, McKean: Pressures on the Legislature of New Jersey, p. 104, notes that the Manufacturers' Association of New Jersey was formed in 1905 to defeat a workmen's compensation measure; and Zeller: Pressure Politics in New York, pp. 51-2, quotes a publication of the Associated Industries (New York) indicating that it was founded in 1914 to resist the "riot of social legislation" in the state legislature at that time.

38 U.S. Senate, Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary: Hearings under S. Res. 92, 63d Cong., 1st Sess., 4 vols. (1913); U.S. House of Representatives, Select Committee on Lobby Investigation: Hearings, 63d Cong., 1^st v ols. (1913); U.S. House of Representatives, Judiciary Committee: Hearings, 63d Cong., 2d Sess. (1914). See Herring: Group Representation Before Congress, pp. 43-6.

39 "Renovation in N. A. M.," Fortune (July, 1948), p. 75.

40 Ibid., p. 72.

41 Cf. Paul Studenski: "Chambers of Commerce," Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences.

42 Quoted in Childs: Labor and Capital in National Politics, pp. 8-9.

43 U.S. Temporary National Economic Committee: Economic Power and Political Pressures, pp. 25, 85; U.S. Senate, Committee on Education and Labor: Senate Report No. 6, Part 6, 76th Cong., 1st Sess. (1939), p. 33.

44 Childs: Labor and Capital in National Politics, p. 10. The material on the origins of the Chamber is largely drawn from this source.

45 Congressional Record, 62d Cong., 2d Sess. (December 7, 19l1), p. 75.

46 Its claimed membership in 1948 was 2932 organization members and 18,891 individual and associate members. (Letter to the author, August 18, 1948.)

47 Fir a good popular account of farm organizations and their political activities see Wesley McCune: The Farm Bloc (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Doran & Company, 1943).

48 Solon J. Buck: "Grange," Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences. See generally his two books: The Granger Movement (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1913) and The Agrarian Crusade (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Pres s, 1920).

49 Orville M. Kile: The Farm Bureau Movement (New York The Macmillan Company, 1921), pp. 14, 17.

50 U S. Department of Agriculture: Farmers in a Changing World: The Yearbook of Agriculture, 1940 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office 1940), p.948.

51 Quoted in Kile: The Farm Bureau Movement, p. 31.

52 See J. D. Barnhart "Rainfall and the Populist Party in Nebraska," American Political Science Review, Vol. 19, no. 3 (August, 1925), pp. 527-40; George A. Lundberg: "The Demographic and Economic Basis of Political Radicalism and Conservatism," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 32, no. 5 (March, 1927), pp. 719-32.

53 Accurate figures on farm organization membership are difficult to secure since several of the organizations are very loosely set up. They are not strictly comparable, moreover, since some count each family as a membership unit, others count each fam ily member or each one over a certain age as a separate unit. See U.S. Department of Commerce: National Associations of the United States, p. 477.

54 Kile: The Farm Bureau Movement, pp. 88-9. See also Gladys Baker: County Agent (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939) for a careful analysis of the whole movement.

55 A discussion of the New York federation is contained in Zeller: Pressure Politics in New York, chap. 4.

56 Kile: The Farm Bureau Movement, chap. 14, and the account by an active participant, Arthur Capper: The Agricultural Bloc (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Company, 1922).

57 For a full discussion of this point see V. O. Key, Jr.: The Administration of Federal Grants to States (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1937), chap. 7.

58 Garceau: The Political Life of the A.M.A., p. 14; Zeller: Pressure Politics in New York, p. 180.

59 Garceau: The Political Life of the A.M.A., p. 130.

60 M. Louise Rutherford: The Influence of the American Bar Association on Public Opinion and Legislation (Philadelphia: The Foundation Press, Inc., 1937), pp. 8-11; Zeller: Pressure Politics in New York, p. 191.

61 Rutherford: The Influence of the American Bar Association, pp. 12, 16-7, 19-34.

62 James Bryce: The American Commonwealth (2d edition, New York: Macmillan & Company, 1891), Vol. II, p. 502. Copyright by Macmillan & Co. and use with the permission of the Macmillan Company. On this subject in general see James Willard Hurst: The Growth of American Law: The Law Makers (Boston: Little, Brown & Company, 1950), chap. 12 and esp. pp. 285-94.

63 Bryce: The American Commonwealth, vol. 1, p. 348; Vol. II, p. 710. Copyright 1891 by Macmillan & Co. and used with the permission of The Macmillan Company.

64 George B. Galloway: Congress at the Crossroads (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1946), pp. 52-3; Felix Frankfurter and James M. Landis: The Business of the Supreme Court (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1927), chaps. 2-7.

65 Cf. Zeller: Pressure Politics in New York, p. 194. A highly critical evaluation of the American Bar is contained in Harold J. Laski: The American Democracy (New York: Viking Press, Inc., 1948), pp. 564-9l.

66 See Herring: Group Representation Before Congress, pp. 172-80; McKean: Pressures on the Legislature of New Jersey, pp. 115-20; Zeller: Pressure Politics in New York, pp. 156-80.

67 McKean: Pressures on the Legislature of New Jersey, pp. 56-7.

68 Herring: Group Representation Before Congress, p. 206. Copyright 1929 by and used with the permission of The Brookings Institution. It is not intended here to assert, of course, that "economic attitudes" are not involved in the functioning of such groups. If institutionalized economic groups are not discrete, neither are other groups.

69 Odegard: Pressure Politics, pp. 1-9.

70 Chapple and Coon: Principles of Anthropology, p. 424; Marcus Duffield, King Legion (New York: Cape & Smith, 1931).

71 Herring: Group Representation Before Congress, p. 186.

72 Kile: The Farm Bureau Movement, p. 147.

72 Chapple and Coon: Principles of Anthropology, pp. 430-1. It is worth noting that these auxiliaries, through stabilizing family patterns, have the incidental but important effect of increasing the cohesion of the parent association.

73 Dorothy Detzer, for twenty years the national secretary of this organization, has written her interesting recollections, including a discussion of her political methods, in Appointment on the Hill (New York Henry Holt & Company, 1948).

75 Cf. the comments in Estes Kefauver and Jack Levin: A Twentieth-Century Congress (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1947), pp. 154-5, 164.

76 Cf. Whyte: Street Corner Society, pp. 272-6; Donald R. Young: American Minority Peoples (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1932), pp. 589-91; W. Lloyd Warner and Leo Srole: The Social Systems of American Ethnic Groups (New Haven, C onn.: Yale University Press, 1945), chap 9.

77 Myrdal: An American Dilemma, p. 952.

78 Myrdal: An American Dilemma, p. 497. Copyright 1944 by and used with the permission of Harper and Brothers.

79 Ibid., pp. 85l-2. See Malcolm Ross: All Manner of Men (New York: Reynal and Hitchcock, 1948), pp. 19-20.